A Theoretical Perspective on Dowry Deaths in India

jectRESEARCH METHODLOGY Area Rights of women in India Topic A Theoretical perspective on fortune Deaths in India Objectives a) To d admit the stairsstand the i see of lot as has originated and evolved in India. b) To sen snipntualize young solar daylight consequences of helping strategy. c) To refer to assorted laws in India and find out rea boys for in take downtuality. d) To analyze the trend lay work finished in this regard by way of various judicial decisions. e) To critic wholey analyze the reasons for divergence amid the object of law with regard to sh ar death and the pr flirtice evolved by judicial precedents. look questions a) What is comp unitynt? b) How has the concept of part evolved in India? c) What ar the various sections of the statutes applicable to the crime of lot death? d) What atomic number 18 the drawbacks with respect to judicial intervention in the cases of comp atomic number 53nt deaths? e) What can be done by the responsible authoriti es and by the night club at outsize to boney out the occurrence of quite a little deaths? Research tools The research of this project was carried out with the help of internet and the books available in the library of N.L. U. so the initiations ar chipary in nature. eggshell call for system has been employ to study the concept of serving death in pr shapeicality. In the whole project, uni pulp foot noning style is adopted in human body with National Law University. Chapterization 1) Introduction 2) ontogenesis of constituent dodging in India 3) Modern Day Consequences 4) Il wakelessity of Practice Indias Positive Laws 5) The Ineffectuality of the dower parapet dumbfound 6) Contemporary Problems of the Modern serving corpse 7) Case study 8) Suggestions ) Conclusion Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION In modern Indian political discourse the consumption of destiny is oft stand for as the incur of serious loving problems, including the neglect of misss, sex-selectiv e abortion, young-bearing(prenominal) infanticide, and the harassment, abuse, and murder of brides. Attempts to deal with these problems through legislative prohibition of part, however, have resulted in virtually no diminution of both part or violence against women. 1 Marriages argon do in heaven, is an adage.A bride leaves the p bental home for the matrimonial home, leaving seat sweet memories thitherwith a hope that she leave alone see a sweet world full of love in her checks house. She leaves behind not merely her memories, plainly as healthful as her surname, gotra and maidenhood. She bides not hardly to be a missy in law, but a daughter in fact. unluckily The alarming rise in the number of cases involving harassment to the red-hotly hook up with girls for constituent shatters the dreams. In-laws argon characterized to be outlaws for perpetrating a terrorism which destroys matrimonial home.The terrorist is dowery, and it is cattle farm tentacles in every possible direction. 2 Imagine the plight of a early daysish cleaning lady, newly wed and thrust into an unfamiliar situation. She is surrounded by those she has only just met, her new preserve and his family. They regard her as a marrow to an end she is little much than a device by which to improve them. She finds herself emotionally and physically harassed day and night because her p arents cannot meet all of her in-laws percentage demands. Her parents have already exhausted much of their career savings and have little left to pee-pee.But because she is a dutiful matrimonial char, a reliable daughter, an obedient womanhood, she stays at her in-laws, resigned to her fate. 3 Then, one evening, while she is functional in the kitchen, she feels a terrible chill. Someone has douse her with a pail of kerosine and some separate is about to throw a burning sum. Can she prevent herself by victorious off her clothes? No. When doused with kerosene or gasoline, a huma n worlds first feeling is precipitously cold. Instantaneously, aided by ones urinate body heat, the kerosene evaporates by drawing out the new wifes fastth. The match is thrown.She bursts into a ball of flames. A living human being, with a warm body, full of love, hope, and trust towards what should have been a new and exciting variety in her life a life edgeinated in its florescence all for a motor car, a scooter, a bicycle, a refrigerator, or a television. This is the shocking reality of the contemporary helping labor union in India and the frightening experience faced by m some(prenominal) infantile women. severally year, thousands of these young women are murdered, through what has been dubbed bride-burnings,4 by economizes and in-laws seeking increased helping demands.While the practice of percentage is commonly perceived by the foreign community as one of Indian tradition and culture, in its trus iirthy form it is to a greater extent than(prenominal) a ccurately described as a genial phenomenon believed to exceedow a greater tender stipulation upon the recipient. Originally designed to be a endowment fund banishd(p) out of affection at the date of a daughters hymeneals, today the dowery scheme has turned into a perverted rendition of an antiquated and respected tailor- do. It has at one succession occasion an obligatory transaction that places a hefty impact on a familys pecuniary and social view and a young wifes welfare.In the pop off four decades, dower negotiations between the families of brides and prepares have escalated into continuing demands even aft(prenominal)(prenominal) the agreed-upon nitty-gritty is precondition. rase to a greater extent than dis mollifying are the increasing numbers and the ways in which young wives are kil direct when their keep ups and in-laws are dissatisfied with the summation of percentage abandoned(p) or when additional demands are not met. Frequently, as th e violence and abuse escalates, if the young wife is not murdered she is driven to commit self-annihilation. In this project, I allow for discuss about the historical perspective of component part as head as the modern evolution of this system.There after(prenominal) is a course credit to its evolution and its consequences. It takes the position that the modern practice of dowry is actually the convergence of sparing and socio-cultural processes and present-day(a) dowry is a comparatively recent novelty into a esteems of extortion by the decorate and his family, having no spectral justification. Subsequently, this stem analyzes relevant Indian positive laws currently in place to prevent dowry deaths while the next part examines the reasons behind the unenforceability behind these laws. A chapter quantifies the phenomenon of dowry death and mettlesomelights the contemporary statistics. Chapter 2A HISTORICAL attitude ON THE ORIGINS OF DOWRY The interpretation of dowry is commonly beneathstood to mean the dimension that a bride brings with her at the metre of married couple. 5This custom, which tralatitiously was the voluntary self-aggrandising of devotes by the brides fetch to his daughter, his son-in-law, and some generation his daughters in-laws at the magazine of mating, has been in practice since antediluvian patriarch ages in India. 6However, wish m whatsoever other customs, it has evolved over the course of centuries. Because a Hindi conjugal union is a sanskara or observance, the tenth ordained by the sacred scriptures of the Hindis, 7an Jewish-Orthodox Hindoo must link.The Hindu scriptures recognized eight forms of wedlock, four okay and four unapproved. The devil leading forms of conjugal union were the Brahma and Asura forms. In the some common of the approved forms, the Brahma8 form, the bride get up is invited and the bride is effrontery to him as a grant by her father. It was at bottom this form of sex ual union that the tradition of absolvehand gifts prevailed and the father would give his daughter as m either(prenominal) gifts as he could afford. 9 Likewise, of the unapproved, the close common was the Asura10 form which meant an outright purchase of the bride.Accordingly, all marriages in which the bride was minded(p) without receiving all kind of conside symme smackn from the bride gear up came to be called Brahma, and where any stipend was do, came to be k straightwayn as Asura. 11 The validity of the Brahma form of marriage is due largely to its ancient ghostly implication. In comparison, the Asura form of marriage was eventually condemned because it was in contrast to Hindu spectral ideas . An approved marriage among Hindus has ceaselessly been considered a kanyadan,12 an ideological teaching, to which dowry, or gift- braggy as it was currently intended, was inextricably linked.A customary nuptial, kanyadan reflects the idea of the gift of a virgin daughter int o marriage to the groom and his family. Articulated dowry demands were forbidden under this political theory, as the bride and the dowry were gifts to be freely and voluntarily tending(p) by the father of the bride. Combined with the fact that the self-aggrandizing of ones daughter and her dowry even offd a holy place act, dowry was originally intended to be limited to the holiest and highest of the four sets, the Brahmins, the priests of the Hindu grade system. 13 The custom of dowry originated during the Vedic stop of 1500-500 B. C. amongst the sexual union Hindu Rajputs.At the time of its origin it was sound only among the Brahmin caste, and the religious significance arose from the ancient scripts of Manu, a holy text14 that ordained that dowry should be restricted to the Brahmin caste. Nonetheless, even in the early days, families who were richesy rich to give gifts to the groom and the brides matrimonial family were allowed to do so. 15 These high caste Hindus consi dered kanyadan as one of the sacred paths to salvation. 16 These gifts could exactly be called dowry indoors the contemporary marrow of the word as they were gifts freely presumption after the marriage as signs of affection.Further, in that respect is no account that grooms tried to make fortunes by demanding large amounts of valuable gifts. In those days, if any much(prenominal) request was made, it was rejected and deemed completely unreasonable since the everyday view was that the groom was fetching the bride away and stripping her family of her services. indeed, conventionalisticly dowry was besides viewed as a way to demonstrate ones social status and caste. Even within the Brahmin caste, the grownup of dowry demonstrated status and strengthened social ties. Un standardised todays practice, historically dowry seldom enabled several(prenominal)s to advance up the social and scotch ladder. more thanover these gifts were limited to those families who could freely give them and whose socio-economic status permitted it. B. Traditional share Customs Historically dowry, or the act of kanyadan, had a ritual significance in controlling the marriage process and limiting the scope and plateful of gift great(p). When a woman married in India she was encouraged as the moral force of the family. Thus, the meaning behind dowry was fundamentally religious and symbolic, and the ritual Brahmin practice of kanyadan gave the bride power and status accordingly, two she and her dowry were considered a sacred gift.This meritorious act of kanyadan consisted of two aspects. Stridhan is the authoritative printing behind an Indian womans marriage wealth. presumption instantly to the bride, it was meant to be an asset to her in times of adversity and, under Hindu law, was her own seat. Dakshina was a gift given out of affection from the family of the bride to the groom and included any continuous gifts made after the marriage. Hence, traditional dowry was at once con delicatelyd to specific gifts for specific purposes. Stridhan literally, the word stridhan agency womens property. 17 Given as a sign of affection and as a symbol of the innate familys ability to take care of their daughter, this accord of the dowry was intended to equip a woman for her new life. The bride accepted these gifts, which consisted of aroundly portable property such(prenominal) as household possessions, clothing, bedding, furniture, utensils, Literally translated, Stri mean womens and dhan means property and precious jewelry, either in the beginning or after the marriage. Any gifts given to the bride by friends and other relatives originally or after the marriage or at the time of the spousal procession were in addition considered part of stridhan.The Dharmashastras, an ancient holy text of the Hindus, put forward that stridhan was the brides property over which she enjoyed complete control and which would issue her with fiscal cheerion in times of adversity. 18 Thus, stridhans most critical concept was that the woman had unattackable ownership of the property. This implied two important characteristics. First, a woman had full rights as to its disposal and division as it was her absolute property. She was because free to sell, give, mortgage, lease, or exchange it as she pleased. 19Second, upon her death, a womans stridhan passed to her own female individual heirs,20 i. . usually her daughters. Before the Hindu Succession operate of 1956 (Succession bring), Hindu women were not allowed to get immovable property such as land or buildings they were only allowed to get the stridhan of their aims. 21 Thus, stridhan was meant as a substitute for the non-inclusion of the daughter in the inheritance process. 22However, section 14 of the Succession exertion now abides that any property possessed by a female Hindu is held by her as full owner23The legislation applied to immovable property in addition to the movable prope rty, acquired through any means. 24It in any case decree that women were entitled to inherit equally on with their brothers, olibanum allowing them to inherit property from their fathers. 25 2. Dakshina The Dharamashastras further stipulated that the meritorious act of kanyadan was incomplete until the groom was given a dakshina. In kanyadan, the bride was the gift given to the groom, and a gift or dan has to be accompanied by a subsidiary gift, i. e. dakshina. When a dakshina was given to a Brahmin priest, it was given without any material reciprocation.The priest in turn, blessed the giver and deemed the gift sacred, thereby elevating the religious status of the giver. Thus, the giving of dakshina is based off the religious principle of gift-giving to a Brahmin priest. The dakshina was a nominal gift, usually some prosperous or coin, that was given purely out of affection presently to the groom. In earlier times, this bequest was voluntary, not compulsory, and the amount or lack of the gift did not create an impediment to the completion of the marriage. Again, the brides family gave dakshina only in treaty with their financial ability.Therefore, associated with the religious symbolism of dakshina, traditional dowry also represented a gift of affection from the natal parents to their futurity son-in-law, consisting of celeb rations, gifts, and specie, for which they acquire blessings, status, and perhaps the knowledge of having arranged a secure future for their daughter. circumstances as a traditional concept, then, represented the womens right to property, which would be transferred to daughters at the time of their marriage as a type of pre-mortem inheritance.Since marriage is a required sacrament, the token dakshina given to the groom, as completion of the act of kanyadan, paved the pathway to salvation for the brides family. Originally constituting the inheritance of the bride, dowry, as it is known today, eventually took on the meaning of a gift meant for the couple. This gift, comprised of the stridhan be to the wife and the dakshina of the groom, was usually managed by the save and could later be used by the couple as an inheritance or dowry for their own children.Ideally then, the conjugal estate encompassed the dowry brought by a daughter and the inheritance given to a son at the time of their marriage. Hence, the dowry system as originally intended was meant to provide shelter to a new couple as they began their new life together. C. Modern Evolution of component It is essential to reiterate that the traditional political theory of the kanyadan marriage was secure only among the high priestly Brahmin caste, and the wealthy upper castes. inwardly this kanyadan marriage, stridhan was not part of the dowry as it was given directly to the bride and she could dispose of it as she saw fit. Dakshina symbolized an affectionate portion given to the future son-in-law in accordance with a familys financial ability. T his social transfer of wealth within a cultural framework provided not only the fulfilment of a material obligation of the brides family to the bride, but also served as the moral basis for the formation of a kinship between the two families. 26The once voluntary affectionate portion of Dakshina is what has transformed into todays modern dowry. Consequently, dowry marriages are equated with Brahma kanyadan marriages. Nonetheless, not until the nub of the nineteenth century, did ordinary families became obligated to provide solve dowries, the cost of which might nailation a family, or the lack of which might impede the settlement of a their daughters marriage. 1. enlarge in Prevalence and Resulting Effects of Hypergamy It was at this time that hypergamous marriages came into vogue in some regions, and ompetition for grooms came to include payments in the form of currency, precious metals, and other valuables. 27Hypergamy refers to the custom of marrying a man from a excellent grade or clan with general notion being that a female should wed a superior male, thereby marrying into a high(prenominal)(prenominal)(prenominal) division, but under no circumstances marrying into a lower one. A major(ip) consequence of hypergamy is status asymmetry between the males side and the females side, resulting in the notion that the grooms family is superior to the brides family.Thus the latter improve their status through marriage while the former secure bullion, jewelry, and other costly incidents. Hence, the giving of dowry is integral to a hypergamous marriage and it was in northern India where this ideology was broadly practiced. In contrast, among the South Indian castes, as antecedently verbalise, the custom of bride- set was universal. This custom, if anything, resulted in favor of the females family. 28 However, because it later came to be condemned as an Asura marriage by the Brahmin law givers, bride-price became unpopular among most of Indian society. 29T he law givers interpreted the asura marriages as involving the sale of the brides and their own form, kanyadan marriages, as involving the gift of the bride. If a brides family accepted payment, the ingredient of gratuity that is essential to kanyadan would be destroyed, and hence the notion that the brides family should give but not take up became very popular. 30 The commercial aspect of the bride-price transaction was regarded as a grease ones palms upon the sacredness of marriage.Thus, kanyadan was preferred because it was free of this commercial element, 31and the Brahma form of marriage prevailed. Nonetheless, the ideology of the hypergamous kanyadan marriage allows families, by resorting to an attraction of wealth, to set about desirable bridegrooms from high classes and thereby elevate their own status. Furthermore, the kanyadan marriage requires the giving of dakshina. It is ironic that dakshina, or bride-grooms price, was never deemed objectionable to the Brahma form , despite its similarity to bride price. 32In any event, the system of dowry spread throughout the Southern regions of India and a new status asymmetry was introduced among the dowry paying castes. To that extent, the South became much manage the North and the modern day dowry system has widely replaced the institution of bride-price. 2. Increase in Access to and Emulation of Higher Castes The successful replacement of bride-price by dowry whitethorn be attributed to the fact that dowry became associated with prestigiousness as a consequence of preference by the high caste groups.The discover to the increase in dowry-giving throughout the regions of India may be that lower caste groups desired to emulate and aspire to the system of dowry as a way of following the example of the higher(prenominal)(prenominal) caste groups. Consequently, this may also explain the concomitant increase in the dowry phenomenon and resulting bride burning. It was not until the furthermost few decades that emulation such as this has become a relatively new phenomenon. It has been noted that while both bride-price and bride-groom price, i. e. owry were followed in castes with an internal hierarchy, in the past, the dominant castes did not allow emulation by the lower castes. This sagacious increase in emulation has been attributed to improved economic conditions and increased education, as well as greater access to the organized sector. Furthermore, since the time of Indian independence, increased inter-caste mixing in schools and in jobs has provided the lower groups with access to the higher groups, enabling them to observe their ways and adopt them.This change from bride-price to dowry has been pestiferous to women and their families because the contemporary dowry system has evolved into a practice that causes financial ruin to brides families, endangers young wives lives and well-being, and lowers the status of women, as well as that of their families. Finally, because marr iage in India is believed to be a necessity in shape to fill religious duties and is required by Hindi ideology, it is out of the question not to marry off a daughter.Thus, legion(predicate) families who are unable to afford elaborate dowries or meet continuing demands find themselves between the proverbial shake and a hard place. Chapter 3 MODERN DAY CONSEQUENCES OF DOWRY outline Today, it is believed that the present dowry system has its origin in the twin Hindu marriage rites of kanyadan, of which stridhan was a part, and dakshina. However, to call stridhan, the presents made to the bride at or after the marriage, as a requisite part of dowry is a mistake, since it completely misunderstands the very concept of stridhan.The stridhan given to a woman at the time of marriage cannot be equated to dowry because in traditional times it was a womans own property that fell under her absolute power, and moreover, these items were given directly to her. Modern-day dowry is not dakshin a or stridhan. It is and has continuously been property that has been obtained under duress, coercion, or force, and cannot be categorized as presents made to the groom or bride. The distinction between the two is that dowry is essentially property which is extorted from the brides family while presents or gifts are property that is voluntarily given.Furthermore, the amount of gold and goods that are given in the contemporary dowry system are large, evolving into a few lakhs of rupees, as well as furniture, electronics, costly clothing, and jewelry. In addition, the brides family must pay all of the spousals expenses, including any travel and lodging consumes of the groom and his party. Moreover, payment is demanded, directly or indirectly, by the groom and/or his kin. Modern-day dowry has become the property extorted from the father of the bride by the groom and his parents, and and so cannot be considered presents given out of affection.It is an important distinction in pra ctice that modern dowry constitutes essentially extortion while the presents of the past were given voluntarily and allow foringly. Thus, modern day dowry is more in line with the unidirectional flow of cash and other goods from the brides family to the grooms family, whereas in the South of India the modern phenomenon of dowry is a new development. The dowry that is given in the higher caste weddings in India today, and which has permeated to the lower castes, is an widely new phenomenon and should not be related to the traditional ideas of kanyadan and stridhan.Moreover, Vedic scholars boldly articulated that there is no reference to dowry in any of the Vedas or other ancient texts, thus destroying any religious sanction of the modern day practice. Nonetheless, aside from Indian societys maintained continual religious sanctification of the contemporary dowry practice, the contemporary system has advanced due to factors such as the position of these women in the patriarchal adju nction family as well as their perceived subordinate position in Indian society both of which result in a perpetual forced dependence on men and further lowers their status.In addition, the traditional custom has been warped from gifts given only at the time of marriage into a propagation of events, at any of which dowry is expected to be and usually is demanded. A. Cultural fracture in the Perception of the Status of Women As a result of antiquated laws and evolving customs pertaining to family and property, Indian society confers power and status to males and their families conversely, females and families with females suffer automatically from low status. However, Indian culture did not always view women is such low esteem.During the Vedic period from birth a female was interact equally with a boy. It was expected that she would be given an education and these ameliorate girls had an utile say in the selection of their marriage partners. It wasnt until later, beginning with the late Aryan period 300 BC that the status and piece of women shifted dramatically due to increasing Brahmin influence, and women began to be viewed with decreasing status. 1. The infantryman Position of Women in Indian Society The status of women today in Indian society is a fundamental reason why the modern-day dowry system conserves to perpetuate.The change from bride-price to dowry has been identified as the major catapult in decreasing the status of Indian women. The change from bride-price to dowry was an attempt to improve the social status of a family because dowry was associated with the higher social groups. 33As a result of this change to a hypergamous ideology where families of females are viewed lower on the status hierarchy than are families of males, a female also additionally suffers from a loss of status even within her natal family, as she is now perceived as a financial obligation rather than as an asset. 34 From birth she is viewed as a burden because her f amily allow have to expend valuable resources for her care and upbringing although upon marriage she will leave her family to become a member of her husbands family, and accordingly be unable to support and care for them in their old age. Further, there is the looming obligation of having to amass large quantities of money and goods so that when she is old enough to marry, her new family is sufficiently induced to take on the burden of her maintenance.For these reasons, Indians are more in all probability to abort a female fetus, murder female infants, and favor sons in terms of food, medical treatment, and education. The female infanticide is another(prenominal) effect of the dowry system in India. Medical clinics throughout the country provide amniocentesis tests to detect the gender of a fetus. 35 Those fetuses that are female are often subsequently aborted because the eventual financial burden of a womans dowry makes a female infant highly undesirable.Additionally, there cont inues to be a discrepancy in the sex ratio of the Indian population due to poor health care and nutrition for girls and women. Indeed, India is one of the few countries that have a higher population of men than women. The female-to-male ratio in India has actually decreased from 9721000 in 1901 to 9001000 in 2000. It is highly likely that a daughter will be supply poorly and rarely interpreted to a doctor when ill. Ironically, over the last century, healthcare has become widely accessible and women outnumber men in almost every other country.It would seem to follow that the higher ratio of men to women in India would mean that there should be more of a demand for women, especially in a society that considers marriage a religious obligation. However, as the tradition of dowry has grown increasingly misshapen over the centuries and women are perceived as a future liability, it has led many families to prefer to have only boys. Perpetuations of customs such as dowry reduce the status of women because people view the birth of a girl with apprehension and unhappiness.Because marriage is controlled by the family groups, and a women is expected to not only obey her in-laws but also her husband, this provides for her perpetual dependence when individual she is dependent on her father, after marriage she is dependent on her husband, and if widow she is dependent on her son. Thus, due to her economic dependence and inferior social status, she suffers a great lost of self-respect, independence, and autonomy.Nonetheless, because Indian society views females as a valueless burden and because Indian marriages have essentially become line of descent deals made for profit, Indian society implicitly sanctions the contemporary practice of dowry. Consequently, enormous pressure is placed on brides and their families, resulting in their exploitation and an increase in dowry-related violence. 2. Position of Indian Women in the Patriarchal Joint Family The structure of Indian f amily life has also fostered modern development of the dowry system.The extended or joint family has prevailed in India,36 particularly in the rural areas that constitute most of the country. Because of the dominance of the joint-family, the Hindu community is dominated by the thought that children are the property of their parents. Even after marriage, the son is expected to set a good example and obey his elders. When a woman marries in India, she bear ons into her husbands home, and accordingly, she is expected to behave in a similar, if not more subservient, fashion as her husband. This provides the justification for the joint-family to assert control over the brides portion of the dowry, the stridhan.Thus, the new wife often finds herself at the bottom of the pecking inn and is forced to bear the brunt of the labor in the house. In addition, because begetting a son is the goal of a Hindu marriage and a woman reached her highest status within the family structure in her role a s a mother to a son, the family heir, the mother-in-laws need to be in a close relationship with her son puts her in a diametrically opposed relationship with the new bride. An Indian mothers long-term status and financial security in the joint-family depends on her son because it is he who will provide for and take of her when her husband dies.When the son marries, it is seen as a threat to her security and thus, the relationship between a daughter-in-law and mother-in-law is inherently strained because of the mother-in-laws need to protect her source of security and power. As a result of the hierarchical structure of the joint-family, one way a mother-in-law asserts her power is via the dowry process. If she is cheerless and has not already harassed her daughter-in-law, her son will know about it, who in turn, because his loyalties lie with his mother, will harass his wife.It is ironic that the key fashion that the contemporary dowry system is maintained is via these relationshi ps between the daughters-in-law and mothers-in-law. The daughters-in-law give in and allow this system to perpetuate because they too, one day want to be and will be in the position of their mother-in-law. 134 Thus, in the absence of another source of security and livelihood, women end up supporting a system that has and continues to oppress them. Furthermore, even when women were recipients of the stridhan portion, this portion, could consist of only moveable property such as household items and jewels.These items were not considered valuable in economic terms. This is because women in India did not receive land as dowry, and land is a tribute asset in a society where agriculture is the primary means of generating wealth. As a result, the inheritance of moveable property that they did receive was consequently of little material value. In the Indian joint-family, land has been the source of property and inheritance for thousands of geezerhood. As state previously, property, before the Succession Act, could only be inherited by male heirs thus the only inheritance that a daughter received was her dowry.Consequently, the original concept of dowry was not an ill-intentioned one since it helped start a woman in her new home by providing amenities that would help her and her young husband in beginning a life together. Although the traditional dowry was intended to be a source of inheritance of gifts and money for the daughter, the conjugal control of a dowry interferes with the organizational power of the joint-family, especially because the new couple shares a home with the family of the groom. Given the structure of the joint-family, the dowry is of little material wealth and the Indian bride often receives little direct benefit from it.Moreover, the young couple is not free to regard the property brought by the wife as their own matrimonial product. The conjugal estate normally comes under the control of the patriarch of the joint-family and so brides are gu aranteed no control of their dowry. B. Economic Shift from the Caste System to Class Divisions within the Social Structure The institution of marriage of ancient and medieval India was most affected by the socio-political and economic changes which accompanied the establishment of British rule in India.The period of British colonialism, from the late seventeenth to the mid-20th century, is frequently identified as the turning point at which the dowry system developed into its modern day form. This transition to dowry represented an influential historical turn between the set of marriage as a spiritual union and marriage as an economic union. 1. Remnants from British Rule The Impact of Capitalism wizard of the primary reasons why the meaning and practice of dowry has been so drastically altered is that class has replaced caste as a prominent measure of social status in modern India.The old custom has thus been transformed from a religious symbol into a vital source of income for fa milies desperate to meet press social demand. 37 As a result of this transformation, the giving of dowry among Hindus is now publicly, ideologically, and morally validated even though in early times the various aspects of dowry were voluntarily performed from love and affection in accordance with the financial position of the brides father. With the introduction of a cash conomy into India and the post-colonial economic crisis of the 1970s, combined with the already low status of women, dowry and dowry-related murders increased, becoming a ready form of wealth procurement to be used by the groom and his family. A resulting effect was the re- comment of the social hierarchy whereas caste formerly determined social status, class began to take precedence. Thus, the centuries-old tradition of dowry became a means for an upwardly mobile family to demonstrate their wealth and make ties among higher social groups.Instead of giving stridhan directly to the bride upon marriage, much of it began to be given to the joint-family. Moreover, the aspects of kanyadan and dakshina became entangled and came to be known as the single institution of dowry. During the period of British colonization, in order to obtain a dowry, compulsion, coercion, and force increasingly began to be used, and last the majority of marriages arose from a bargaining-process. Introduction of forces such as monetization, education, and the organized sector by the British into India added to the burden on a womans family to improve their status.Consequently, modern dowry can be viewed as entirely the result of British rule. The British introduced a higher example of living and a more buttoned-down way of life. More importantly, the British exploitation of their powerful position imposed a virtuoso of servility, humiliation, and inferiority on the Indian people. The Indian people resented their subservience and became increasingly class conscious in their values and their way of life. Indian societ y became increasingly aware of the effectiveness of money and conscious of a secular approach towards life.These two items coupled together, generated a demand for ready cash in addition to gifts in the marriage negotiations. Encouraged by these new cultural values of the modern world, the desire to acquire unearned wealth, under a misguided feeling that such a transaction was a blessing of God, gained legitimacy and acceptance among Hindu society. Deeply ingrained Hindu customs that emphasized moral character, honesty, and service to God at last became grime by an increase in competitive spirit, emotional compulsions, and unaccounted bribery, values that resulted indirectly or directly by the British domination.The colonialism of India was new unnatural, element that threw the natural order out of kilter, and Indian society reacted with increased competitiveness, which ultimately revealed itself in the perversion of the old dowry custom. 2. Marriage as a Market Transaction ref erable to the impact of high prices on the standard of living and the bimestrial time period over which dowry may be demanded, it has become increasingly sticky for families to spare enough money to adhere to this custom, especially given its present expectations.The amount of dowry given can either typically depend on the financial status of the brides family, today an element whose consideration has increasingly diminished, or on the explicit and direct demands made by the grooms parents. It is this split second and growing phenomenon that leads to the escalating dowry-related violence, and victimization of the wife and her family. Upper class families principally give ornaments, such as gold or silver, inset with costly stones, like diamonds, sapphires, or rubies.These families can also afford and do give furniture, utensils, crockery and as well as costly items such as radios, run up machines, refrigerators, and even vehicles of transportation. Lower class families, whose i ncome is generally less than a nose candy rupees per month, give a few silver ornaments. Among these poor people, utensils and crockery are considered essential because they feel that the woman must have the kitchenware to cook food. Due to their low economic position, it is in these poorer classes that this custom has become difficult to maintain.Families will often borrow money to fulfill their desire to give more and more to their daughters. However, they then incur heavy debts that can take geezerhood to repay. Middle class families however cannot afford elaborate ornaments, and generally give ornaments of gold inset with only ordinary stones or those purely of gold. pedagogy and an expanding economy, as well as increased government employment, have created this urban middle class. It is estimated that eighty-five percent of dowry deaths and eighty percent of dowry harassment or violence situations occur in either the middle or lower classes.Indeed, this phenomenon seems to b e most prevalent in the appear upwardly mobile middle class and the highest increases are not among the poorest but among those with middle incomes. With urbanization and pressures of a cash-based economy, dakshina is emphasized and stridhan has become less important. Dowry is seen as a replacement for the money that will be used to educate the groom so that he can then move among a higher class and later bidding a higher dowry.Moreover, as the groom becomes accustomed to a higher standard of living, and thus certainly have more needs for ready cash, he will come to expect that those needs will be met through dowry received upon his marriage. Furthermore, today, as opposed to Rajput times and as practiced by the Brahmins, the brides family uses the practice of dowry to attract families of higher status and power than their own. These companys are used to enhance the status of the brides parents and achieve material gains.The amount of dowry that a man of a particular profession o r position in life can assure fluctuates just like any other trade trade good. It is common knowledge that implicit price tags are attached to prospective grooms depending on their education, status, occupation, and income, as well as any other factors. For instance, men having government jobs, or being in a profession, such as CPAs and engineers, and living in cities have prestige and are considered to be in short supply, thus they can command higher dowries.Also, the higher the education of the groom and the more prestigious the profession, i. e. , doctors and lawyers, the higher the dowry demands. These potential grooms are considered such a valuable good that the parents of girls feel they must be competitive if they want to secure such a commodity for their daughter. In contrast, women are reduced to the level of chattel, to be sold or bartered away according to the whims of the men and their families.It is as if a discount sale coupon is tagged on to the brides in order to engage them in this highly competitive matrimonial market to make them more marketable. While natal families do have to bear heavy costs, for some there is some benefit in engaging in this modern dowry system. If the potential in-laws have a son who is educated, earning a salary, and moving among a wealthier group of people, the potential brides family may try to move their familys position into the in-laws higher group by sexual morality of the daughters marrying into this group.Because they are outsiders and of a poorer background, they will have to poke out a higher dowry to accomplish the social climb. However, once they are part of the new social group, they can demand an equally high or higher amount of dowry for their son when he marries. One might think that increasing literacy and education would reduce the effect of dowry however it has actually raised dowry demands and increased economic pressures on natal families. Families of higher-educated girls seek higher educated boys, and the higher education adds value to the boys worth as a market commodity.Thus families are hit with a dual price-tag because they not only have to pay for the higher education for their daughter, but the educated potential groom, as a more valuable commodity, can also command a higher price in the matrimonial market. Because the Indian marriage market is essentially an implicit market in bride and groom attributes, the resulting market equilibrium appears to associate a price with each match. Consequently, the amount of dowry given is often considered this equilibrium price given for a good match. Ironically, these are not good matches as the girls best interests are rarely, if ever taken into account.These marriages, rather than being the religious sacrament stipulated by the Dharmashastras, have become a commercial vehicle to fulfill materialistic needs of grooms and their families and social needs of brides families without ever victorious into account any needs of the brides. 3. Proliferation of Events where Dowry is bestowed Dowry giving and taking in India has now come to cover many different things in different circumstances. A significant feature of dowry is that it has come to constitute an elaborate series of payments extending over a long period of time.It no longer merely means the property that a bride gets at the time of her marriage, but has been extended to include items or property given well before or long after the marriage. Furthermore, families now have more opportunities to take advantage of the dowry-giving custom. In some Indian states such as Punjab and Haryana, a pre- designation ceremony, referred to as Thaka has become prominent. The Thaka ceremony affirms the relationship established between two families and signifies that negotiations have been initiated for a matrimonial federation.The potential brides parents, along with a few close relatives, visit the home of the man to whom they expect their daughter will be shor tly engaged. 185 They take plenty of sweets and fruits, and cash for the potential groom-to-be, as well as for his parents and close relatives. 186 If there is no Thaka ceremony, the first series of payments commence with the engagement ceremony and conclude with the qualifying of the bride to her matrimonial home. In the Hindu community, there is a formal engagement ceremony before the marriage here goods (gifts) are customarily given. If there are any festivals or holidays between the Thaka ceremony or engagement ceremony and the actual wedding, the brides parents will also institutionalize gifts to the grooms parents. The actual day of marriage is also an obvious time when gifts will be asked for and given. Today, the arrival of the bride in her new home, a day that in ancient Indian times was a blessing for the grooms family to welcome their bow or daughter-in-law, today constitutes yet another situation where the bride will be expected to arrive bearing gifts.The second serie s of payments can persist long after the marriage, sometimes continuing for months, even years after. At the very least, throughout the first year of marriage, festive and religious holidays mark situations where the brides parents feel obligated to send presents, regardless of whether it is demanded by the grooms parents. 38 Especially if the girl is pregnant, the grooms family will also demand some gift or payment. This sending of presents is not done out of affection, but for guardianship of social condemnation that good dowry was not given, or out of fear that their daughter may be harassed and sent back to her natal home.In addition, these dowry demands not only place pressure on a new bride and her parents, but can also involve her entire extended family. 39 C. Violent Derailment of the Traditional Dowry System The abuse of the custom of dowry has eroded and aborted the original meaningful function of traditional dowry, i. e. , kanyadan, and the giving of stridhan and dakshin a. The once intended safety net for the bride and the gift of affection for the groom has corrupted into a price-tag for the groom and a noose for the bride.No longer merely a system of giving voluntary gifts, the modern dowry system has become Indian societys primary mode for manipulating ones family status and wealth. It is largely distinguished from the older traditional dowry system by the presence of compulsion, which is largely due to the ferine competition in the marriage market. Today, the underlying motivation behind the giving of dowry is the need of the brides family to improve their family standing or status. Stridhan, the classical notion prescribing a womans marriage wealth, has been violated in four respects in contemporary Indian society.First, any item that is transferred as stridhan along with the bride at the time of marriage, and in ancient times was given directly to her, may now be taken into doctor possession by the groom and his family. Second, the grooms parents use the stridhan portion brought by their daughter-in-law, to enhance the dowry given in acquiring husbands for their own daughters, if they have any, or for any other conceivable purpose. Third, dowry demands continue even after the marriage and can be perpetuated indefinitely, thus always being a ready source of cash and the latest materialistic goods.Finally, spouting religious meaning behind this taking of dowry, the grooms family justify their demands however the cash transaction requested by and ultimately given to the grooms parents is not mentioned anywhere in the traditional Brahman dictum. In earlier times a women was not allowed to inherit property, thus the stridhan portion was meant to provide her with a share of her parental wealth. Thus dowry was a social means of transferring the natural rights of inheritance to a daughter via the marriage process.Thus, the original underlying motivation was to provide the bride with a pre-mortem inheritance and to overcome t he parapets of the early Succession laws. However, the Succession Act of 1956 decreed that women were entitled to inherit equally along with their brothers, thus allowing them to also inherit property. It recognized an equal right of Indian women to inherit property and for the beginning(a) time conferred absolute ownership to her. Due to this legislation, the traditional reasons underlying the giving of stridhan, to safeguard the woman and her economic well-being, have ceased to exist.Hereinafter, a framework of dowry deaths is discussed whereby various concepts pertaining to victimization of women for dowry are discussed. The model falls into two parts, the first of which, influenced by socio-cultural and victimological concepts, attempts to identify the kind of marriage arrangements that lead to a potential problem. These are groups of variables 1-9 in Figure 1. The second part of the model is influenced by routine activity and rational choice perspectives, and attempts to dea l with the more dynamic aspects of the phenomenon after marriage (groups 10-14). classifys 1 and 2 cover the socio-cultural factors (patriarchal traditional society dowry system) that provide the context for the development of dowry problems. Dowry problems frequently arise within urban, middle class families with conservative outlooks. convocations 3,4, 5 and 6 concern the kinds of family and the needs of both the husbands and wifes families before the marriage. Economic needs are important for both families. The husbands family may be trying to obtain resources through the dowry, by capitalizing on the husbands earning power. The wifes family may be trying to protect resources.The relative status of the families is also relevant, with the husbands family generally being more influential. conferences 7 and 8 deal with the personal characteristics of the wife and the husband. Wives are more likely to be victimized if they are submissive, young and less educated. Husbands are more likely to be aggressors, or to fall in with their parents aggression, if they are wearied and emotionally dependent. Husbands who are older and better educated than their wives are more likely to dominate their spouses and commit acts of violence against them.The marriage ask (Group 9) attempts to settle down the needs of the husbands and wifes families. The kind of arrangements that appear to lead to trouble include, for example, a large dowry not paid on full at the time of the marriage and dowries with non-cash items over which disagreements arise about the quality of the goods supplied. Misunderstandings are likely to be greater if the families do not know each other well and have used a middleman to arrange to contract Group 10 deals with the living situation after marriage.In the joint family system, quarrels may center around the wifes insufficient dowry especially when the wife is unemployed and not well enough trained in housework to satisfy the husbands family. As marr iages are generally arranged, the chances of incompatibility between the husband and wife are high and the probability of disputes correspondingly great. The brides parents will generally be unsupportive because of the prevailing belief that once a girl is married her parents should not interfere in her new life, even if she comes to them for help.Even where they are supportive, they cannot come quickly to help her if they live at a distance. The risk of physical abuse is increased when the husbands family lives in a quiet neighborhood or if there are no neighbors. That bride burning is basically an urban phenomenon may be partly due to the busy life in cities neighbors tend to have little time to get tortuous in each others affairs. The busy routines of urban dwellers thus leaves unguarded the defenceless young bride.Groups 11 and 12 deal with the reactions of the husband and wife after marriage. The wifes personality will affect her reaction to her marital problems. She might house the harassment and mistreatment so as not to bring any embarrass on her parents. Since she is dependent on her husband both emotionally and economically she may completely loose confidence in herself. The fact that in many cases the husband has not chosen the wife may cause him much unhappiness because he finds her unattractive or incompatible with his friends.These feelings of frustration may fuel his demands that the wife get more money from her parents. Groups 13 and 14 deal with the husbands and wifes decision making. If pressures upon the wife became intolerable she may specify to take matters into her own hands and end her life. The husband on the other hand, as a result of dissatisfaction at work and in his married life, may have affairs with other women, get into other activities like gambling and take to alcohol or drugs. He may subscribe to to deal with his difficulties and frustrations by plotting to kill his wife.This decision will be influenced by a perceived l ow risk of detection, the availability of an easy method of killing his wife, and the possibility of solving his problems by marrying some other woman with a better dowry settlement. Fig. 1 A Model of Dowry Deaths40 Gropu Group 1 G G Group 2 Group 3 Group 4Group 5 Group 6 Group 7 Group 9 Group 8 Group 11 Group 10 Group 12 Group Group 13 Group 14 Marriage in India, regarded as the alliance of two families, is a huge turning point in an individuals life and should be a joyous and blessed occasion. all the same there is nothing to prevent the groom and his family from making initial horrific demands, continual demands, or using the dowry money as they do not see fit, nor do previous fulfilled demands guarantee that future demands will not be made. As a result, dowry deaths are a consequence of the intense competitive expansion of capitalism within an intricate web of hierarchical relations, resulting in a widening fissure between the rich and the poor, intensified gender stratificat ion, and Indias subordinate status in the world market.In this extremely competitive environment, dowry demands are one method of attempting upward mobility. The modern-day dowry system, as a perverted version of the past, leads to the impoverishment of the brides family, allows for the materialistic enrichment of the grooms family, values the groom as a market commodity, and most importantly, rarely buys security and peace for the bride. Chapter 4 ILLEGALITY OF PRACTICE INDIAS POSITIVE LAWS On May 20, 1961, the Parliament of the Central Government of India recognized that the practice of giving and taking dowry was evil especially to the extent that it involved money or goods. 41 For that reason, they enacted the Dowry Prohibition Act (the Act) with the sole mark of eradicating the giving or taking of dowry. 42 The Indian Parliament took further steps, by amending the Indian penal mandate (IPC) in 1983 and again in 1986 with the Indian license Act (IEA), and the Code of wrong Procedure (CCP), to reduce the dowry murder phenomenon by criminalizing dowry related violence against women. A. The Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 The Act does not seek to completely abolish the custom of giving gifts upon marriage but to restore the dowry system to its original traditional form and purposes.Accordingly, the statutory expositions do not include the costless stridhan portion of dowry however, these gifts must be given at the time of the marriage and not before or after. Although the generally accepted definition of dowry is the property that a girl brings with her at the time of marriage, the 1961 Act defined the offense of giving or taking dowry as including any property or valuable security given or agreed to be given, at or before the marriage as consideration for the marriage43This manner of speaking, however, proved to be problematic as an effective method of prohibiting dowry.For example, in the original definition clause, the Act stated that any present giv en or taken by either party, either partys parents or by any other person directly at the time of marriage was not dowry unless it was taken as consideration for the marriage. 44 The statute, as worded, only prohibited exchanges that were given or agreed to be given as consideration, and did not include any gifts, in the form of cash, ornaments, clothes, or other articles, given at the time of a marriage to either party.Consequently, the definition of dowry was narrowed, and any gifts given before or upon and any cash/expenditures made after the marriage, were excluded and could not be violations of the Act. As evidence of this gap in coverage, the Delhi High Court, control in Madan Lal Ors v.Amar Nath45, that property may pass hands subsequent to marriage, even months or years after it, merely to save the marriage from being brokenor to save the wife from harassment, Given the ineffectiveness of the language and the inadequacy of the 1961 law in decreasing the dowry phenomenon as well as in countering the increasing violence and harassment inflicted upon young women, the womens movement in India campaigned for law reform.As a result, the Indian legislative body enacted amendments in 1984 and 1986 with the intention of making the law more stringent and, therefore more effective. The 1984 amendment broadened the scope of the original act by substituting the speech in connection with the marriage for the original as consideration for marriage. The definition was broadened again in 1986 to include presents given any time after the marriage within the definition of dowry.Furthermore, the 1986 amendment raised the token(prenominal) punishment for taking or abetting the taking of dowry to five years and a fine of 15,000 rupees. Additionally, it shifted the burden of proving that there was no demand for dowry to the person who takes or abets in the taking of dowry, made punishable by imprisonment, for a term of six months to five years, or alternatively, with a fine of 15,000 rupees, any advertizement which related to the offering of property in consideration for marriage was made punishable by imprisonment, and made bail unavailable in dowry cases. 46 As a result of the 1984 and 1986 amendments, the current Act outlaws the giving, taking, or demanding of dowry, which it defines as any property or valuable security given or agreed to be at, before, or after the marriage in connection with the marriage. 47 Thus, the Act provides greater room for the exercise of judicial discretion in declaring a larger range of giving as dowry. Nonetheless, even given the expansion of the definition of dowry, the current Act has been widely criticized for being ridden with legal loopholes. For example, the Act prohibits dowry but allows the giving of gifts at the time of the marriage. Moreover, the definitions do not clearly define the terms consideration, gift, or present, making it difficult to determine what constitutes consideration and how that differ s from a gift. Matters are further complicated by the Acts use of the word dowry to describe not only what the brides parents give to the groom or to their daughters-in-laws but also what the grooms parents give to the bride and their sons-in-laws.Consequently, the charge of dowry can be easily avoided by offering the items or cash carefully as a gift so as not to invoke any characterization of the property as compensation. To counteract the ambiguity of this language, yet not proscribe the giving of gifts altogether, some have suggested imposing a limit on the aggregate value of such gifts. 48 However, others have agued that this is just as impractical for essentially the same reason that the Act remains unenforceable corruption is the norm. 225 As a result of the vagueness and under-inclusive nature of the statutory language, the Act still remains argely ineffective. Thus, Indian families can continue to demand dowry money without fear of reprisal. In practice, states may amend th e statute if they wish, without restriction for instance by including explanations and definitions for certain terms in their local version of the statute. For example, the state of Haryana amended the Act by widening the definition of dowry. The definition included any marriage expenses incurred directly or indirectly at or before the marriage or in connection with any of the Thaka, Sagai, Tikka, Shagan, and Milni ceremonies. 49 Moreover, unlike the federal act, any gifts to either party in the form of cash, ornaments, clothes or other articles are also considered dowry. 50 Further many state statutes, unlike the Act, have imposed upper limits on the amount of marriage expenses and presents that are allowed to be given. Haryana further prohibited any marriage expenses that were greater than five thousand rupees, restricted the marriage party to twenty-five members and the band to eleven members.Finally, while states have the power to amend, it should also be noted that the states are not required to control any federal amendments made to the Act For example, when federal amendments were added to the Act in 1984, Haryana did not incorporate these into its state act. B. Additional Corresponding Legislation In 1983, the Indian penal Code, the Indian Evidence Act, and the Indian Criminal Procedure Code were changed at the same time to deal more effectively not only with dowry-related deaths, but also with cases of cruelty against married women.The 1986 Amendment to the Act also proposed the new offence of dowry death to be created in the Indian Penal Code as well as any other corresponding legislation. 1. Indian Penal Code In 1983, Parliament amended the Indian Penal Code to outlaw dowry related cruelty by the husband or his relatives by enacting 498-A as part of the Criminal Law Act (Criminal Act). 51 The Criminal Act created the offense of cruelty, and provided for the punishment of a husband or his relatives if they harass a woman in order to constrain h er to meet any unlawful demand for property. Additionally, 306 created the offense of abetment to suicide hich provided that anyone who instigates another to commit suicide will be liable for abetting the focal point of a suicide when the suicide results from such instigation. Further, in 1986, a new offense of dowry death was created under IPC 304-B52, allowing for an irrefutable presumption previously unknown to Indian jurisprudence. It provides that when a womans death occurs under questionable circumstances and it is proved that she was subjected to dowry-related cruelty or harassment, it shall be presumed that the husband or any of his relatives act the offense of dowry death and caused her death.Moreover, it stated that the minimum punishment for committing dowry death was imprisonment of a minimum of 7 years to life. The Judicial Response The attitude of the judiciary at the apex level has -been in favor of women, the crux of which can be condensed to Justice Mohans judgme nt in Panniben vs. State of Maharashtra53 Every time a case relating to dowry death comes up it causes ripples in the pool of conscience of this court. Nothing can be more barbarous, nothing could be more heinous than this sort of a crime 2. Indian Evidence ActCorresponding to IPC 306 via the Criminal Act, the Indian Evidence Act already contained prep 113-A54 that raised a presumption of an abetment to suicide against the husband or his relatives if the wife commits suicide within a period of seven years and if there is evidence that she had been subjected to cruelty as defined in IPC 498-A. However, in 1986, the IEA was further amended with 113-Bto allow for the corresponding IPC provision of 304-B. 113-B creates the presumption of dowry death where a women has been subjected to cruelty or harassment for dowry before long before her marriage.The 1983 Amendment Act also inserted Section 113-A in the Indian Evidence Act which raises presumption as to abetment of suicide by a married woman. It lays down that when the question is whether commission of suicide by a woman had been abetted by her husband or any relative of her husband, and it is shown that she had committed suicide within a period of seven years of marriage from the date of her marriage, that her husband or such, relative of her husband had subjected her to cruelty, the court